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By Gregory White

Examines how emerging monetary integration with Europe affects Tunisia and Morocco.

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Extra resources for A Comparative Political Economy of Tunisia and Morocco: On the Outside of Europe Looking in

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Or when it is termed a bon élève, or “good student,” of the European Union (EU)? These are phrases one hears for both Tunisia and Morocco. Uttered by European officials, or by the European media, such phrases sound patronizing or condescending. Declared by Maghribi officials, they ring as obsequious. In either instance, the rhetoric suggests that the character of a country’s political economy—the level of industrialization and rate of economic growth—is intrinsically tied to its external relationship with advanced-industrialized countries.

Nelson’s theoretical discussion of this dynamic employed the example of Tunisia: When the government of Tunisia announced increases of 115 percent in previously heavily subsidized prices for wheat products in January 1984 . . 69 As discussed in subsequent chapters, this effort failed to work, and violent riots resulted from the removal of bread subsidies. On a related note, coherent and powerful social coalitions can be politically effective because of social access to (or formal affiliation with) state elites.

58 To facilitate an analysis of middle-income countries—regardless of relative size—one must conduct a qualitative and quantitative determination of several factors. First, on the economic front, the analyst must pay heed to changes in several indicators. These include (1) the trade dependence of a given country, measured as trade as a percentage of GDP; (2) the direction and geographic concentration of exports and imports with trade partners; and (3) the composition of trade. Second, economic ties and exposure to a dominant industrial bloc may also comprise a larger web of close diplomatic, cultural, and social ties.

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